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GOP Objects To The Rules THEY Wrote
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Jim Hoft
2019-11-05 16:17:33 UTC
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GOP wrote the 'secretive' impeachment rules
they now object to
10/25/2019
On Wednesday Republican lawmakers briefly
occupied the secure chambers of the House
Intelligence Committee to complain about
how the Impeachment inquiry is being conducted.
What they didn't say was that they designed
and voted for the very rules they are now
complaining about.
Rules were changed in 2015 - by a Republican
majority
In 2015, when Republicans controlled the House,
they changed the rules to enable committee
chairs to issue subpoenas without holding a
committee vote first. The rules were changed
explicitly to stop Democrats being able to
question or criticize a public hearing before
issuing subpoenas. The Wall Street Journal
reported on these rule changes in 2015.
https://www.frontpagelive.com/2019/10/25/republicans-drafted-and-approve
d-the-secretive-impeachment-rules-theyre-complaining-about/
Show me a righist politician and I'll show you a criminal subversive.


The Republican Party Is Doomed
This is a transformational moment. Do the Democrats understand how to take
advantage of it?

By Stanley B. Greenberg
Mr. Greenberg is a Democratic pollster.

Sept. 10, 2019

977


Credit...Spencer Platt/Getty Images
The 2020 election will be transformative like few in our history. It will
end with the death of the Republican Party as we know it, leaving the
survivors to begin the struggle to renew the party of Lincoln and make it
relevant for our times. It will liberate the Democratic Party from the
country’s suffocating polarization and allow it to use government to
address the vast array of problems facing the nation.

From listening to the waves of fraught criticism that followed each of the
Democratic debates so far, you would not think 2020 was such a juncture.
Commentators worried that the candidates’ anti-business policies and over-
the-top plans for government would drive away moderate voters. They watched
the candidates excite the Democratic base at the expense of independent
voters whom they believe long for a return to bipartisanship. The
commentators were just as befuddled that the Democratic candidates were
critical of President Barack Obama, who knew something about
“electability.”

Yes, Mr. Obama won in 2012, but he was the first president since Woodrow
Wilson to win a second term with fewer Electoral College votes and a
smaller winning margin in the popular vote over his closest rival than in
his first election. Of course, Mr. Obama was met by a Tea Party revolt that
helped push many white working class voters away from the Democratic Party,
but his administration’s rescue of the big banks, along with prolonged
unemployment and lower or stagnant wages for the whole of his first term,
meant that the Democratic base failed to turn out and defend him in
election after election. As a result, Mr. Obama presided over the crash of
the Democratic Party in 2010 and 2014 that gave the Republican Party
control of Congress and total partisan control in just over half of the
states.

The elites who mostly live in America’s dynamic metropolitan areas were
satisfied with America’s economic progress after the financial crash, but
overall it helped make Donald Trump electable. He understood how
dissatisfied the country was with the status quo. So rather than asking
voters which candidate is more “electable” or who has the best chance of
defeating President Trump, we need to ask which leader best understands
this tumultuous period. Which candidate has a theory of the case that
pushes aside other interpretations and critiques?

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I learned as a young professor from E. E. Schattschneider’s “Semi-Sovereign
People” and then later as an adviser to President Bill Clinton that those
who figure out what the fight is actually about are able to set the agenda
and motivate voters to get involved and pick a side.

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The financial crisis of 2008 and 2009 left the vast majority of working
people and the Democrats’ base of African-Americans, Hispanics, single
women and millennials shattered for years. They lost much of their wealth
and were forced into new jobs that often paid less. Many faced prohibitive
student debt. With wages stagnant for a decade, they were frustrated with
the daunting costs of health care, prescription drugs, child care and
housing. Yet in the main, Mr. Obama, Hillary Clinton — and now Mr. Trump —
hailed the economy’s progress, the millions of new jobs. But that was and
is clueless. Mr. Trump will be the latest presidential candidate punished
by the voters for not getting it.

The Democrats in the 2018 wave election did get it and made their biggest
gains, compared with 2016, not in the suburbs — despite winning most of
their new seats there — but in the rural areas and among white working
class voters, particularly women. This pullback from Mr. Trump among white
working class women in particular went further this year. As of 2019, he
enjoyed only a single-digit lead with the voters who played such a big role
in the 2016 surprise. In 2018, Democrats succeeded by attacking Republicans
for attempting to repeal Obamacare and failing to lower skyrocketing
prescription drug costs. They proposed trillion-dollar investments in
infrastructure and battled to drive dark money out of politics.

Mr. Trump and the Republican Congress continued to seek the repeal of the
Affordable Care Act, working both to make it fail in practice and to slash
federal health care spending for seniors and the poor. That made health
care the top reason for voting for Democrats in 2018, but it also revealed
what has become a defining partisan difference: a Republican Party
determined to destroy government outside of defense and a Democratic Party
determined to use it expansively.

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The Democrats today are reacting not only to Mr. Trump but to the Tea
Party-dominated Republican Party that preceded and prepared the way for him
with gridlocked government. After coming to power in the 2010 wave
election, the Republicans tried to keep the government from addressing
virtually any problem at all. The Tea Party movement was animated by its
hostility to Mr. Obama and his activist government. Empowered in the House,
it forced an I.M.F.-like budget austerity on the federal government and
blocked any new economic stimulus and investment. As a candidate, Mr. Trump
built his base among Tea Party Republicans and Evangelicals in order to
carry forward the assault on government nationally and in the states. The
Democrats watched in frustration as the government was presumed to be
impotent to address wage stagnation, surging inequality, climate change,
the slaughter from automatic weapons and the flood of dark money into
politics.

But this dam has burst. With Mr. Trump’s ever-escalating assault on
government, the proportion of Americans who say that government “should do
more to solve problems and meet the needs of people” surged to the highest
level in 20 years. Democratic candidates who understand this political
moment will push for a government that changes the country’s course, as it
did under Democratic presidents after the progressive victories of 2008 and
1964 and especially after the 1932 triumph of Franklin D. Roosevelt and the
New Deal.

Democratic voters today look at the chief executives of major corporations
and they see the face of an era where greed was unchecked, where companies
failed to invest in their workers and used their big donations and
lobbyists to rig the political system against the middle and working
classes. They are determined that government must do something not only
about corruption and corporate excess, but also inequality, universal
health care, the state of the working family, climate change,
globalization, entrenched racial and gender disparities and more.

Democrats’ Hostility to Corporate C.E.O.s Is the New Normal
Survey respondents were asked to rate their feelings toward chief
executives of large corporations.


Democrats’ responses:

Neutral

Very

unfavorable

Somewhat

unfavorable

Somewhat

favorable

Very

favorable

Survey

date:

9

5

36

14

OCT. 2014

13

6

36

14

OCT. 2016

9

7

35

17

SEPT. 2018

11

5

36

14

JULY 2019

2019 total unfavorable: 50%

Favorable: 16%

All voters:

13

11

29%

16

OCT. 2014

15

11

28

12

OCT. 2016

14

11

28

12

SEPT. 2018

15

10

26

11

JULY 2019

2019 total unfavorable: 37%

Favorable: 25%

Charts by Bill Marsh/The New York Times | Source: Democracy Corps; yearly
figures do not add up to 100 percent because they omit those whose feelings
toward C.E.O.s were neutral.
Any hopes for bipartisanship died when Mr. Trump seized the leadership of
the Republican counterrevolution in 2016. He auditioned for the job as a
“birther” who seemed viscerally committed to reversing the Obama legacy.
Mr. Obama’s election and re-election represented the triumph of an America
that was ever more racially and culturally diverse, younger, more secular,
more often unmarried, with fewer traditional families and male
breadwinners, more immigrants and more concentrated in the growing
metropolitan areas.

As president, Mr. Trump did everything his Tea Party and evangelical base
could hope for, from the attempted repeal of Obamacare to the Muslim ban,
his championing of a border wall and the promotion of justices to the
Supreme Court who could conceivably make abortion illegal again. Alongside
this, his America First, populist trade policies cemented the addition of a
large number of observant Catholics to his coalition.

And yet, his party is unraveling. A quarter of Republicans were moderates
in 2018, and 30 percent defected to the Democrats or stayed home in the
midterms. This year, the secular conservatives and moderates who are the
least enthusiastic about Mr. Trump moved away from the party, leaving it
dominated by evangelicals, the Tea Party and observant Catholics.

Fleeing the Republican Party
Over the past year, moderates and secular conservatives have dwindled as a
share of Republican base voters.


2019:

32%

Share of

Republican base

voters in 2018:

Evangelical conservatives

26%

Moderates

23

19

Secular conservatives

18

Tea Party

17

16

30 percent of Republican base voters belong to these two groups, down from
41 percent a year earlier. Together they form a bloc of voters with the
lowest enthusiasm for President Trump.

Catholic conservatives

16

14

0

By The New York Times | Source: Democracy Corps
Many commentators on the state of the nation are not sure they can trust a
majority of American voters on race — understandably so. They watched how
important race and racism were to the Tea Party revolt and the pullback
from Mr. Obama. They watched Mr. Trump defy nearly all of the predictions
in 2016, when white voters’ attitudes toward African-Americans and Hispanic
immigrants played such a huge role in his upset victory.

In the run-up to the 2018 election, Mr. Trump continued to call for the
building of a wall and even sent troops to the border to protect Americans
from the caravans that were supposedly escorting Muslim terrorists.
Republican ad makers created Willie-Horton-type spots that featured
undocumented immigrants who murdered Americans.

But Mr. Trump playing the immigrant card as president has made Americans
more favorable to immigration and immigrants — almost two-thirds now say
that immigration benefits the country. His attack on immigrants has created
a growing consciousness that we are a country of immigrants.

Like it or not in Mr. Trump’s America, the Republicans will now be the
anti-immigrant party and the Democrats the pro-immigrant party, confidently
associated with America’s multiculturalism.

Few of those who worry that Mr. Trump’s exploitation of race and
immigration will carry the day in 2020 noticed that his party badly lost an
off-year election that Mr. Trump centered on immigration. Democrats won the
House popular vote by more than eight percentage points. Republicans gained
Senate seats mainly in deep Red states where, generally speaking,
Republicans ran well behind Mr. Trump’s performance two years earlier.

This year, Mr. Trump extended his war on immigrants and immigration. Yet
the percentage of Americans who say that immigrants strengthen the country
and are not a burden has risen from 54 percent after the 2018 election to
65 percent now. This view is held strongly by 52 percent. Only 26 percent
agree with the president that immigrants are a burden because they are
accused of taking jobs, housing and health care.

American voters will not disappoint us again. Mr. Trump’s frantic efforts
on immigration will not work. Taken as a whole, the voters want to affirm
who we are as a country — and to marginalize a Republican Party that stands
outside the mainstream on so much of our recent history, on civil rights
and immigration in particular.

Trump’s Anti-Immigrant Rhetoric Is Backfiring With Voters
In less than a year, approval of immigrants has increased markedly.
Percentage of all voters who agree with the following statements:


Immigrants today strengthen our country because of their hard work and
talents.

Immigrants today are a burden on our country because they take our jobs,
housing and health care.

65

TOTAL

AGREEING:

54

52

Strengthen somewhat

TOTAL

AGREEING:

36

34

26

Burden somewhat

23

20

Strengthen much more

Burden much more

NOV.

2018

JULY

2019

NOV.

2018

JULY

2019

By The New York Times | Source: Democracy Corps
Democrats are seeking leaders who understand how transformative this
election ought to be for both the Republican and the Democratic parties.
The Democrats want a powerful, activist government after years of gridlock
and political impotence. More than three quarters of them believe that
sharper regulation of business is necessary to protect the public, that
government benefits for the poor don’t go far enough, that racial
discrimination still blocks black advancement and that stricter environment
laws are worth the cost. Two-thirds believe that corporations make too much
profit. They want a very different America from the one Republicans have
forged.

When you combine Mr. Trump pushing moderates out of the Republican Party
and the changing attitudes his rhetoric and policies have brought about
with the Democrats’ pro-government fervor, you have a recipe for
transformation. Democrats should be looking not just to defeat Donald Trump
and the Republican Party, but to get to work building a bold era of
progressive reform.
Trump's CONFESSION
2019-11-10 21:18:36 UTC
Reply
Permalink
Lee wrote
GOP wrote the 'secretive' impeachment rules
they now object to
10/25/2019

On Wednesday Republican lawmakers briefly
occupied the secure chambers of the House
Intelligence Committee to complain about
how the Impeachment inquiry is being conducted.

What they didn't say was that they designed
and voted for the very rules they are now
complaining about.

Rules were changed in 2015 - by a Republican
majority

In 2015, when Republicans controlled the House,
they changed the rules to enable committee
chairs to issue subpoenas without holding a
committee vote first. The rules were changed
explicitly to stop Democrats being able to
question or criticize a public hearing before
issuing subpoenas. The Wall Street Journal
reported on these rule changes in 2015.

https://www.frontpagelive.com/2019/10/25/republicans-drafted-and-approve
d-the-secretive-impeachment-rules-theyre-complaining-about/




It's almost as if they've been on a drinking binge since 2000.

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